More than half of Republican and GOP-leaning voters (56%) are ages 50 and older, up from 39% in 1996. This shift has occurred in both partisan coalitions. electorate is aging: 52% of registered voters are ages 50 and older, up from 41% in 1996. You can see racial and ethnic breakdown of eligible voters in all 50 states – and how it changed between 20 – with this interactive feature. For example, the White share of eligible voters was below the national average in Nevada (58%), Florida (61%) and Arizona (63%). The reverse was true in some battleground states in the West and South. White Americans accounted for 67% of eligible voters nationally in 2018, but they represented a much larger share in several key battlegrounds in the Midwest and Mid-Atlantic, including Wisconsin (86%), Ohio (82%), Pennsylvania (81%) and Michigan (79%). citizens ages 18 and older, regardless of whether or not they were registered to vote. The racial and ethnic composition of the electorate looks very different nationally than in several key battleground states, according to a Center analysis of 2018 data based on eligible voters – that is, U.S. This change has unfolded in both parties, but White voters have consistently accounted for a much larger share of Republican and Republican-leaning registered voters than of Democratic and Democratic-leaning voters (81% vs.

White voters account for a diminished share of registered voters than in the past, declining from 85% in 1996 to 69% ahead of this year’s election. Hispanic and Black registered voters each account for 11% of the total, while those from other racial or ethnic backgrounds account for the remainder (8%). Non-Hispanic White Americans make up the largest share of registered voters in the U.S., at 69% of the total as of 2019. In a study of validated voters in 2016, 5% of Democrats and Democratic leaners reported voting for Trump, and 4% of Republicans and GOP leaners reported voting for Hillary Clinton. Of course, just because a registered voter identifies with or leans toward a particular party does not necessarily mean they will vote for a candidate of that party (or vote at all). One such shift is that the Democratic Party’s advantage over the Republican Party in party identification has become smaller since 2017. Party identification among registered voters hasn’t changed dramatically over the past 25 years, but there have been some modest shifts. When taking independents’ partisan leanings into account, 49% of all registered voters either identify as Democrats or lean to the party, while 44% identify as Republicans or lean to the GOP.

lean toward one of the two major parties. (34%) identify as independents, while 33% identify as Democrats and 29% identify as Republicans, according to a Center analysis of Americans’ partisan identification based on surveys of more than 12,000 registered voters in 20. Party identificationĪround a third of registered voters in the U.S. Unless otherwise noted, all findings are based on registered voters. So what does the 2020 electorate look like politically, demographically and religiously as the race between Republican President Donald Trump and Democrat Joe Biden enters its final days? To answer that question, here’s a roundup of recent Pew Research Center findings. These and other factors ensure that no two presidential electorates look exactly the same. Consider the millions of Americans who have turned 18 and can vote for president for the first time this year, the immigrants who have become naturalized citizens and can cast ballots of their own, or the longer-term shifts in the country’s racial and ethnic makeup. electorate can change for a variety of reasons. The electorate itself is in a slow but constant state of flux, too. The United States holds a presidential election every four years, but it’s not just the candidates and issues that change from one campaign cycle to the next. Voters wait in line, socially distanced from each other, to cast early ballots on Oct.

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